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Reue durch Handeln vs. Nichthandeln

Im Land bleiben, nachdem das Visum abgelaufen ist vs. rechtzeitig ausreisen

Wenn du handelst

Nach Ablauf des Visums bleiben (Überziehen)

44%

Wenn du nicht handelst

Fristgerecht ausreisen (Visumsbedingungen einhalten)

9,0%

Anteil derer, die jede Entscheidung später bereuen. Balken und vollständige Datengrundlage erscheinen unten.


Lebensstil

Zuletzt überprüft 2026-05-09

Evidenzqualität 3.88/5

Bewertungsergebnis nach acht Dimensionen gemäß der Qualitätsrubrik . Jede Dimension wird mit 1–5 bewertet.

D1 Quellenüberprüfung
5/5
D2 Quellenautorität & Unabhängigkeit
4/5
D3 Genauigkeit der Bedauernsrate
1/5
D4 Vergleichbarkeit der Quellen
2/5
D5 Gilovich-Muster
5/5
D6 Prosaqualität
5/5
D7 Vollständigkeit der Einschränkungen
5/5
D8 Stichprobenqualität
4/5
Durchschnitt 3.88/5
A split scene: on the left, a city apartment with a view of a familiar skyline; on the right, an airplane ticket and a closing door.
Stellvertretende Daten — für diese Entscheidung gibt es keine direkte Bedauernsstudie. Die Raten basieren auf Zufriedenheitsbewertungen und Zugangshindernissen statt auf direkten Bedauernsfragen. Siehe Vorbehalte unten.

Reue fürs Handeln

Nach Ablauf des Visums bleiben (Überziehen)

44%

~44 % Würde-ich-wieder-tun-Proxy (NICHT overstay-spezifisches Bedauern): 56 % der wahrscheinlich Undokumentierten sagen, sie würden sich, wenn sie die Zeit zurückdrehen könnten, erneut für einen Umzug in die USA entscheiden (gegenüber 72 % im Jahr 2023), also würden 44 % es nicht tun — ein Maß für Migrationsbedauern unter der verschärften Durchsetzung von 2025, nicht speziell für das Bedauern, ein Visum überzogen zu haben

Wahrscheinlich undokumentierte Einwanderer in den Vereinigten Staaten (einschließlich Visumsüberzieher)

retrospektive Umfrage, August–Oktober 2025

Reue fürs Unterlassen

Fristgerecht ausreisen (Visumsbedingungen einhalten)

9,0%

~35 % modellierter Proxy (keine direkte Umfrage existiert): abgeleitet aus der Rückwanderungsforschung, in der etwa ein Drittel der Rückkehrmigranten ihre Rückkehr als unfreiwillig oder bereut beschreibt, kombiniert mit dem KFF-Befund, dass 70 % der Zuwanderer sagen, sie würden dennoch in die USA ziehen. Keine Umfrage misst das Bedauern unter Menschen, die die USA tatsächlich bei Visumsablauf verlassen haben

Ausländische Staatsangehörige, die die USA bei Visumablauf verließen und wünschten, sie hätten bleiben können

retrospektive Näherung, 2025

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

action dominates — Handeln dominiert — die meisten bereuen ihr Handeln.

Verwandte Entscheidungen

Semantisch ähnliche Entscheidungen — gleiches Terrain, andere Abwägungen.

lifestyle

Ins Ausland ziehen

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Untätigkeit überwiegt

Reue über Untätigkeit 5.7× höher

lifestyle

Wirtschaftsmigration vs. Zuhause bleiben

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Handlung überwiegt

Reue über Handlung 1.1× höher

lifestyle

Venezuela: gehen vs. bleiben in der Krise

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Untätigkeit überwiegt

Reue über Untätigkeit 2.0× höher

lifestyle

Indien: auswandern vs. bleiben

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Untätigkeit überwiegt

Reue über Untätigkeit 1.2× höher

lifestyle

Hochkontrollgruppe verlassen vs. bleiben

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Untätigkeit überwiegt

Reue über Untätigkeit 3.3× höher

lifestyle

Religion verlassen

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Untätigkeit überwiegt

Reue über Untätigkeit 2.9× höher

lifestyleDirekt

Vietnam: in die Stadt ziehen vs. im Dorf bleiben

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Handlung überwiegt

Reue über Handlung 2.1× höher

lifestyle

Flucht aus Konfliktzone

% bereuen diese Entscheidung

Untätigkeit überwiegt

Reue über Untätigkeit 3.6× höher

The KFF/New York Times 2025 Survey of Immigrants (n = 1,805, conducted August to October 2025) found that 56% of likely undocumented immigrants in the US say they would still choose to come to America if they could go back in time, down from 72% in 2023. The remaining 44% is not a clean regret figure: the survey question offers three options (would still move, would not, not sure), and for the full sample the “would not” answer (9%) is dwarfed by “not sure” (21%) — but KFF does not publish that breakdown for the likely-undocumented subgroup specifically, so 44% can only be read as an upper bound on regret for this population, not a validated rate. On the inaction side, no survey asks people who actually left the US on visa expiration whether they regret it. The best available proxy uses the same survey’s directly reported finding for all immigrants: 70% say they would still choose to move to the US, 9% say they would not, and 21% are not sure — so 9%, not the 30-point “non-yes” share, is the defensible stand-in for people who watched others build lives, careers, and families in the US while they departed on schedule. Read this way, the two proxies may be further apart than a first glance suggests, though the action-side ceiling of 44% is soft enough that the true gap cannot be pinned down precisely: the underlying “would still move” figure for likely undocumented immigrants alone swung from 72% in 2023 to 56% in 2025 as enforcement intensified.

The mechanism on each side is structurally different. Overstayers who develop regret are generally responding to chronic enforcement anxiety: 75% of likely undocumented immigrants in the KFF survey report worrying about detention or deportation, 77% report negative health impacts from those worries, and 74% have avoided ordinary activities such as work or medical care. These costs are ongoing and compounding. The person who left on time bears a one-time opportunity cost, which may grow over time as they observe the lives built by those who stayed — a classic Gilovich inaction pattern — but does not experience the chronic psychological burden of enforcement fear. The tradeoff is between acute daily anxiety and long-term opportunity loss, which is a categorically different comparison than most decisions in this dataset.

Both figures carry significant uncertainty and are sensitive to enforcement context. The underlying “would still move” rate for likely undocumented immigrants was 72% in 2023 and fell to 56% in 2025 — a 16-point drop tied to a specific political and enforcement environment — but KFF has not published how much of that 16-point shift moved into “would not” versus “not sure” for this subgroup, so the corresponding regret ceilings (28% in 2023, 44% in 2025) should not be read as measured regret rates for either year. The inaction-side rate (9%) has a firmer anchor: it is the source’s own directly reported “would not” figure for all immigrants surveyed, not a derived complement, though it still answers a general immigration-satisfaction question rather than a departure-specific one. Nationality matters enormously: the relevant regret calculus for a Mexican national who overstays and builds a family near the border differs fundamentally from an Indian H-1B holder who ages out of status or a European tourist who simply delayed departure by a few weeks. This entry describes aggregate patterns and should not be read as evidence about any specific nationality, visa category, or enforcement policy.

Quellen: Handeln

Quellenregister

Jede Zahl unten ist das, was die jeweilige Quelle berichtet hat — mit dem wörtlichen Zitat, auf das wir uns stützen, und wie wir zu unserer Zahl gelangt sind. Klicke auf einen Link, um direkt zu prüfen.

  1. [1] Kaiser Family Foundation / New York Times — KFF/New York Times 2025 Survey of Immigrants: Worries and Experiences Amid Increased Immigration Enforcement
    KFF/New York Times 2025 Survey of Immigrants: Worries and Experiences Amid Increased Immigration Enforcement

    See all 2 Likelier entries citing this source →

    Statistik
    75% of likely undocumented immigrants worry about detention or deportation; 77% report negative health impacts from immigration-related worries; 56% say they would still move to the US if they could go back in time (down from 72% in 2023); the source's full-sample breakdown of the same question shows non-yes answers split 9% would-not / 21% not-sure, but does not publish that split for the undocumented subgroup, so the 44% non-yes share for this subgroup is an upper bound on regret, not a validated rate
    Auszug
    “"Four in ten (41%) immigrants say they personally worry they or a family member could be detained or deported, with worries most pronounced among likely undocumented immigrants (75%). Nearly eight in ten (77%) likely undocumented immigrants say they have experienced negative health impacts due to immigration-related worries. 56 percent of likely undocumented immigrants say they would still choose to move to the United States if they could go back in time, down from 72 percent in 2023." ”
    Quelldaten von
    2025-11-01
    Abgerufen
    2026-05-09
    Berechnung
    KFF/NYT survey conducted August 28 – October 20, 2025, n = 1,805 immigrant adults, nationally representative probability-based sample, with oversampling of likely undocumented immigrants (n ~300-400 subgroup). CORRECTED 2026-07: the prior version of this entry used the complement of the "would still move" rate (100% minus 56% = 44%) and called that "implied regret." This is an invalid derivation: the underlying survey question (Q12, "If you could go back in time knowing what you know now, would you choose to move to the U.S.?") is a three-option item — would still move / would not / not sure — not binary, and the source's own full-sample breakdown shows the non-"yes" share splits into 9% would-not and 21% not-sure (of the 30-point gap for all immigrants surveyed): "One in ten (9%) say they would not choose to move to the U.S. if they could go back in time, and one in five (21%) say they are not sure." Most of the "non-yes" share is uncertainty, not dissent. No breakdown of would-not vs. not-sure is published for the likely-undocumented subgroup specifically, so there is no way to compute a validated regret-only figure for this side. The 44% figure is retained ONLY as an upper bound (the ceiling on how high true regret could be, since at most 44% of this subgroup did not say "yes"), not as a point estimate of regret; the true would-not share for this subgroup is unknown and, by analogy with the full-sample pattern, plausibly well below 44%. CONSTRUCT CAVEAT: this measures views about IMMIGRATING (a would-do-again forced choice), not regret of OVERSTAYING a visa specifically; the survey does not ask about overstaying, nor does it ask whether respondents left after visa expiry. It is the closest available retrospective measure for this population, but the two constructs are not identical, and even the raw "would still move" rate is enforcement-era sensitive (72% in 2023 vs 56% in 2025 among likely undocumented immigrants). The 75% deportation worry and 77% negative health impact figures document the chronic cost of the overstay decision but are not themselves regret measures. The survey was conducted during a period of heightened enforcement (Trump second term), which may depress the "would still move" rate relative to baseline years.
  2. [2] US Department of Homeland Security / US Customs and Border Protection — Entry/Exit Overstay Report, Fiscal Year 2023
    Entry/Exit Overstay Report, Fiscal Year 2023
    Statistik
    FY2023 suspected in-country overstay rate: 1.02% of 39 million expected departures; 399,708 suspected in-country overstays
    Auszug
    “"By May 1, 2024, the number of Suspected In-Country Overstays for FY 2023 decreased to 399,708, resulting in a Suspected In-Country Overstay rate of 1.02 percent of the 39,005,712 expected departures. For non-Visa Waiver Program countries (excluding Canada and Mexico), the FY 2024 Suspected In-Country Overstay rate is 2.22 percent." ”
    Quelldaten von
    2024-10-01
    Abgerufen
    2026-05-09
    Berechnung
    DHS Entry/Exit Overstay Report FY2023. Used here to establish the scale of the overstay population (hundreds of thousands annually) and the enforcement context. The overstay report does not contain regret data; it establishes that overstays constitute a large share of the undocumented population (estimates suggest over 40% of total undocumented population). Used as the corroborating government source establishing the decision context, not the regret proxy.

Quellen: Nichthandeln

Quellenregister

Jede Zahl unten ist das, was die jeweilige Quelle berichtet hat — mit dem wörtlichen Zitat, auf das wir uns stützen, und wie wir zu unserer Zahl gelangt sind. Klicke auf einen Link, um direkt zu prüfen.

  1. [1] Kaiser Family Foundation / New York Times — KFF/New York Times 2025 Survey of Immigrants: Worries and Experiences Amid Increased Immigration Enforcement
    KFF/New York Times 2025 Survey of Immigrants: Worries and Experiences Amid Increased Immigration Enforcement

    See all 2 Likelier entries citing this source →

    Statistik
    Among all immigrants surveyed, large majorities say key aspects of their lives are better as a result of moving to the US (educational opportunities 74%, financial situation 70%, employment 65%); on whether they would still choose to move to the US if they could go back in time, 70% say yes, 9% say no, and 21% are not sure — the 9% figure is the source's directly reported would-not rate, not a derived complement
    Auszug
    “"About two-thirds or more immigrants say the educational opportunities for themselves or their children (74%), their financial situation (70%), and their employment situation (65%) are better as a result of moving to the U.S. Seven in ten (70%) immigrants say they would still choose to move to the U.S. One in ten (9%) say they would not choose to move to the U.S. if they could go back in time, and one in five (21%) say they are not sure. This share dropped 16 percentage points among likely undocumented immigrants (from 72% to 56%)." ”
    Quelldaten von
    2025-11-01
    Abgerufen
    2026-05-09
    Berechnung
    The inaction regret proxy (those who left on time but wish they had stayed) is the hardest side to anchor empirically. No published survey specifically asks people who left the US upon visa expiration whether they regret having done so, and this survey's own sample is drawn entirely from immigrants currently living in the US, so it cannot include anyone who left. CORRECTED 2026-07: the prior version of this entry used a complement construction (100% minus the 70% who say they would still move) to derive a 30% "would not" rate. This was an invalid derivation: Q12 of the same survey is a three-option question (would still move / would not / not sure), and the source directly reports the breakdown for all immigrants: 70% would still move, 9% would not, and 21% are not sure. Treating the full 30-point non-"yes" share as regret wrongly folded 21 points of genuine uncertainty into the 9-point "would not" figure. The 0.09 rate now used is the source's own directly-reported "would not" statistic, not a derived complement. This remains a weaker anchor than the action side on two counts: it measures people who stayed rather than people who left, and it answers a general relocation question rather than an overstay- or departure-specific one. It should be read as a rough directional estimate only, not a measured inaction-side regret rate.
  2. [2] Pew Research Center — What we know about unauthorized immigrants living in the U.S.
    What we know about unauthorized immigrants living in the U.S.
    Statistik
    The US unauthorized immigrant population grew to 11.0 million in 2022, with 8.3 million in the workforce — a large, economically embedded population, establishing the scale and pull factor against which a leave-on-time decision is weighed
    Auszug
    “"The unauthorized immigrant population in the United States grew to 11.0 million in 2022, according to new Pew Research Center estimates based on the 2022 American Community Survey. The number of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. workforce grew from 7.4 million in 2019 to 8.3 million in 2022." ”
    Quelldaten von
    2024-07-22
    Abgerufen
    2026-05-09
    Berechnung
    Pew Research Center overview of the unauthorized immigrant population. Used here only to establish the scale of the population and economic embeddedness (11.0 million people, 8.3 million in the workforce in 2022) that constitutes the pull factor against which a leave-on-time decision is weighed. This article does NOT measure regret, residence duration, or visa-overstay share, so it cannot anchor an inaction regret rate — it is context only. The 0.09 inaction figure is the KFF/NYT survey's own directly-reported all-immigrants would-not-move again rate (see the KFF/NYT source notes above; corrected 2026-07 from an earlier, invalid complement construction), not a measured rate for people who left specifically, and should be read as a directional estimate only.

Einschränkungen

PROXY MEASUREMENTS ON BOTH SIDES, AND NEITHER IS A CLEAN REGRET RATE — the regret_delta of 0.35 should be read with caution; both figures are proxies for a "would you do this again" question about immigrating in general, not about overstaying or leaving a visa specifically. CORRECTED 2026-07: earlier versions of this entry derived both regret rates as the complement of a "would still move to the US" percentage (100% minus that share). This is invalid, because the underlying KFF/NYT question (Q12) offers three options — would still move / would not / not sure — and the source's own full-sample breakdown shows most of the "non-yes" share is "not sure" (21%), not "would not" (9%), out of a 30-point non-yes total for all immigrants. The inaction-side rate (now 0.09) has been corrected to the source's directly reported "would not" figure for all immigrants surveyed, since that population matches this side's proxy population exactly. The action-side rate (0.44) could NOT be similarly corrected, because the source does not publish a would-not/not-sure breakdown for the "likely undocumented" subgroup specifically — only the "would still move" share (56%, down from 72% in 2023) is reported for that subgroup. The 0.44 figure is therefore retained only as an upper bound on regret for that subgroup (the most regret could possibly be, given 56% said yes), not a point estimate; the true would-not share for likely undocumented immigrants is unknown and, by analogy with the all-immigrants pattern, plausibly well below 44%. This means the true gap between the two sides could be smaller than 0.35, or could still favor action-side regret being higher — the data simply does not resolve this precisely. The two populations remain structurally non-comparable on top of this: the action side is measured among people currently in the US who chose to overstay and face enforcement pressure, while the inaction side is estimated from the population of people who left and for whom no systematic survey exists. The concept of "overstay vs leave" is also not a single discrete decision for most people: overstays often accumulate incrementally as people delay departure week by week in response to changing circumstances, making a retrospective regret framing less clean than for other decisions in this dataset. Nationality matters significantly: overstay rates and economic motivations differ enormously by country of origin, with Mexican, Central American, and South Asian overstay dynamics differing substantially from European or East Asian visa holders. The entry should not be cited as evidence for any specific immigration enforcement policy position; it describes experienced outcomes and expressed preferences, not normative recommendations.

Rohdaten: /api/decisions.json

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