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Penyesalan bertindak vs. tidak bertindak

Berpartisipasi aktif dalam protes publik vs. diam saat ketidakadilan

Jika Anda bertindak

Ikut serta dalam protes publik

16%

Jika Anda tidak bertindak

Tetap diam saat terjadi ketidakadilan

53%

Persentase orang yang kemudian menyesali setiap pilihan. Diagram batang dan catatan lengkap ditampilkan di bawah.


Lifestyle

Terakhir ditinjau 2026-05-09

Kualitas bukti 3.5/5

Skor tinjauan delapan dimensi terhadap rubrik kualitas . Setiap dimensi dinilai 1–5.

D1 Verifikasi sumber
4/5
D2 Otoritas & independensi sumber
3/5
D3 Akurasi tingkat penyesalan
1/5
D4 Keterbandingan sumber
2/5
D5 Pola Gilovich
5/5
D6 Kualitas prosa
4/5
D7 Kelengkapan peringatan
5/5
D8 Kualitas sampel
4/5
Rata-rata 3.5/5
A protest sign resting against a wall on one side, and a closed window with curtains drawn on the other side.
Data proksi — tidak ada survei penyesalan langsung untuk keputusan ini. Tingkat diturunkan dari skor kepuasan dan data hambatan akses daripada pertanyaan yang langsung menanyakan tentang penyesalan. Lihat peringatan di bawah.

Penyesalan atas tindakan

Ikut serta dalam protes publik

16%

Tidak ada survei penyesalan langsung tentang partisipasi dalam protes; yang ditampilkan adalah tingkat penyesalan-tindakan jangka panjang secara umum (~16% menyebut suatu tindakan sebagai penyesalan terbesar mereka, Gilovich & Medvec 1994) sebagai baseline proksi

Peserta protes sipil besar (Euromaidan 2014, studi keberanian moral)

retrospektif, survei pasca-protes

Penyesalan atas kelambanan

Tetap diam saat terjadi ketidakadilan

53%

53% pekerja menyesal tidak angkat bicara ketika mereka punya sesuatu untuk disampaikan (proksi dari literatur suara di tempat kerja — analog terdekat dengan diamnya warga negara)

Pekerja di AS, Inggris, Prancis, Jerman — digunakan sebagai analog diam sipil

retrospektif, tanpa kerangka waktu tetap

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

inaction dominates — Tidak bertindak mendominasi — sebagian besar menyesali karena tidak bertindak.

Keputusan terkait

Keputusan yang serupa secara semantik — area yang sama, kompromi yang berbeda.

lifestyle

Keterlibatan sipil vs menjauh

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Ketidakaktifan mendominasi

Penyesalan tidak bertindak 3.3× lebih tinggi

careerLangsung

Bersuara

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Ketidakaktifan mendominasi

Penyesalan tidak bertindak 1.4× lebih tinggi

lifestyle

Minta maaf

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Ketidakaktifan mendominasi

Penyesalan tidak bertindak 2.0× lebih tinggi

lifestyle

Prokrastinasi

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Ketidakaktifan mendominasi

Penyesalan tidak bertindak 4.7× lebih tinggi

lifestyle

Tinggalkan kelompok kontrol tinggi vs. tetap

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Ketidakaktifan mendominasi

Penyesalan tidak bertindak 3.3× lebih tinggi

lifestyle

Ikuti orang tua vs. jalur sendiri

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Ketidakaktifan mendominasi

Penyesalan tidak bertindak 3.2× lebih tinggi

lifestyle

Berbagi cerita sensitif secara publik

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Tindakan mendominasi

Penyesalan bertindak 2.4× lebih tinggi

lifestyle

Akui kesalahan serius vs. tutupi

% menyesal dengan pilihan ini

Ketidakaktifan mendominasi

Penyesalan tidak bertindak 2.9× lebih tinggi

Gilovich and Medvec’s 1994 study, the foundational research underlying the gilovich_pattern classification used across this dataset, found that in long-term retrospection only 16% of people identify an action as their biggest regret, while 84% identify an inaction. The mechanism is well-established: action regrets shrink over time as people rationalize, repair, or reframe what they did, while inaction regrets persist and compound as the unchosen path is idealized and the reasons for hesitating become harder to reconstruct. For civic protest, this temporal dynamic is particularly pronounced: participation is often a bounded, historical-moment decision that cannot be repeated once the window closes. The EuroMaidan Protest Participant Survey (n = 1,225) documents strong civic identity formation and moral purpose among those who participated in Ukraine’s 2014 protests, consistent with low retrospective regret. The moral courage literature finds a similar pattern: people who act on their values, even at personal cost, tend to look back favorably on those actions.

The closest available direct measurement of staying-silent regret comes from the Resume Now International Career Regrets Survey of 1,000 workers across the US, UK, France, and Germany, which found that 53% regretted not speaking up in a meeting, compared with 38% who regretted having spoken up. Workplace voice suppression and civic protest silence are structurally similar choices: both involve deciding not to speak when one has something to say, against a background of social cost. Civic protest silence is likely to generate even higher inaction regret in retrospect, because the stakes (collective political outcomes, moral legacy) are higher and the opportunity to act is more temporally constrained. Roese and Summerville’s 2005 meta-analysis of 11 regret-ranking datasets found that regret is most durable in domains where people see the largest missed opportunities for growth and self-actualization; civic participation falls precisely in this category.

The limitations of this entry are significant. No published survey directly asks people “do you regret participating in” or “do you regret not protesting during [specific event]?” The action-side figure falls back to the general long-term action-regret rate (~16% of people name an action as their biggest life regret, Gilovich & Medvec 1994), used as a generic baseline rather than a protest-specific measurement, and the 53% inaction-regret rate is taken from a workplace-voice survey; both are proxy constructions from adjacent literatures, not measurements of the same population facing the same decision. The costs of protest vary enormously by political context: staying silent in a stable democracy carries different stakes than staying silent under a regime that jails dissidents. The Chatham House 2020 survey of Belarusian citizens found that one in five urban adults participated in at least one protest during the 2020 crisis despite the risk of arrest, with 83.9% of participants stating they intended to continue, suggesting that even in high-repression contexts participation was not driven by underestimating costs. No retrospective regret survey for those participants was identified, so the entry cannot confirm the long-term regret pattern directly in an authoritarian context. The direction of the finding is supported by three independent bodies of evidence: the Gilovich-Medvec temporal pattern, the career/purpose regret literature, and workplace voice surveys, but the delta should be treated as a directional signal rather than a calibrated estimate.

Sumber: tindakan

Buku besar klaim

Setiap angka di bawah ini adalah apa yang dilaporkan masing-masing sumber, dengan kutipan kata demi kata yang kami andalkan dan bagaimana kami sampai pada angka kami. Klik tautan mana saja untuk memverifikasi langsung.

  1. [1] Sociological survey of Euromaidan participants (Zelinska 2017, cited in Sociology Compass) — EuroMaidan Protest Participant Survey
    EuroMaidan Protest Participant Survey
    Statistik
    Euromaidan protest participant survey of n = 1,225 respondents shows predominantly committed, ideologically motivated participants; the vast majority report positive civic identity formation from participation.
    Kutipan
    “"The EuroMaidan Protest Participant Survey (n = 1,225) shows that participants were primarily young or middle-aged professionals, well informed, employed, and most had professional or higher education. Most citizens perceived the protests as a battle against the regime, and the social impact that Euromaidan had on Ukrainians was a stronger sense of national identity and unity." ”
    Data sumber dari
    2017-06-01
    Diakses
    2026-05-09
    Perhitungan
    Zelinska (2017) cites the EuroMaidan Protest Participant Survey (n = 1,225) as the empirical basis for analyzing participant characteristics and motivations in Sociology Compass 11(4). The survey was conducted on-site during the Euromaidan protests. It measures participant demographics and civic/national identity formation ("a stronger sense of national identity and unity") — it does NOT include a question asking participants whether they regret protesting. It therefore cannot supply a protest-participation regret rate. It is retained here only as context that protest participation coincided with strong civic-identity formation; the displayed rate is NOT derived from this survey. The headline rate falls back to the general long-term action-regret figure from Gilovich & Medvec (1994) below, since no direct survey of protest-participation regret was found in the published literature.
  2. [2] Journal of Personality and Social Psychology (APA) — The temporal pattern to the experience of regret
    The temporal pattern to the experience of regret

    See all 3 Likelier entries citing this source →

    Statistik
    In long-term retrospection, only 16% of people report greater regret over an action taken vs. 84% who report greater regret over an inaction; action regrets fade more quickly because people rationalize or behaviorally repair them.
    Kutipan
    “"Whereas people tend to experience stronger regret for actions over inactions in the short term, they tend to experience stronger regret for things they did not do over things they did when reflecting back on their lives. In the long term, only 16% reported greater regret over an action taken and 84% reported greater regret over an inaction." ”
    Data sumber dari
    1994-12-01
    Diakses
    2026-05-09
    Perhitungan
    Gilovich and Medvec (1994), JPSP 67(3), 357-370. Study 5 of their seminal paper asked a diverse sample about their biggest long-term regret: only 16% named an action and 84% named an inaction. This establishes the general principle that action regrets (including protest participation) fade with time, while inaction regrets (including staying silent during injustice) persist or compound. Used here as the theoretical anchor for why action-side regret is low for protest participation in particular. Protest, as a morally motivated action aligned with personal values, is a category where post-action rationalization and pride further suppress long-term regret.

Sumber: tidak bertindak

Buku besar klaim

Setiap angka di bawah ini adalah apa yang dilaporkan masing-masing sumber, dengan kutipan kata demi kata yang kami andalkan dan bagaimana kami sampai pada angka kami. Klik tautan mana saja untuk memverifikasi langsung.

  1. [1] Resume Now (International Career Regrets Survey) — The Road Not Taken: Greatest Career Regrets Revealed
    The Road Not Taken: Greatest Career Regrets Revealed

    See all 8 Likelier entries citing this source →

    Statistik
    53% of workers have regretted not speaking up in a meeting, compared to 38% who have regretted speaking up.
    Kutipan
    “"53% have regretted not speaking up in a meeting, compared to 38% who have regretted speaking up in a meeting." ”
    Data sumber dari
    2025-01-10
    Diakses
    2026-05-09
    Perhitungan
    Resume Now International Career Regrets Survey of 1,000 workers across four countries (US, UK, France, Germany), fielded January 2024. The 53% figure represents regret about not voicing an opinion in a professional setting. This is used as the closest quantified analog for civic silence: both involve choosing not to speak up in a setting where one has something to say, at personal social cost. Civic protest silence is likely to generate even higher inaction regret than workplace silence, because the stakes (political outcomes, collective justice) are higher and the opportunity to correct the decision is more limited. The 53% is therefore a conservative lower-bound proxy for inaction regret in the civic protest context. No direct survey of "do you regret not protesting during [specific event]?" was identified in the published academic or survey literature.
  2. [2] Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin (APA) — What We Regret Most ... and Why
    What We Regret Most ... and Why

    See all 14 Likelier entries citing this source →

    Statistik
    Education (32.2%), career (22.3%), and romance (14.8%) top lifetime regret domains; the common thread is missed opportunity for self-actualization in high-importance life areas.
    Kutipan
    “"People's biggest regrets are a reflection of where in life they see their largest opportunities; that is, where they see tangible prospects for change, growth, and renewal." ”
    Data sumber dari
    2005-09-01
    Diakses
    2026-05-09
    Perhitungan
    Roese and Summerville (2005) meta-analysis of 11 regret-ranking datasets. The finding that inaction regrets dominate in high- importance life domains (education, career, self-actualization) is directly applicable to civic silence. Choosing not to protest during a politically significant moment involves exactly the qualities Roese and Summerville identify as regret-generative: a window of opportunity that closes, stakes that matter to one's values and identity, and a choice that cannot easily be undone. The career and self-actualization domains map closely onto civic identity and moral self-concept, domains in which people report the most durable regrets.

Catatan

PENGUKURAN PROKSI DI SELURUH ENTRI. Tidak satu pun sisi entri ini menggunakan survei yang secara langsung menanyakan kepada peserta protes atau non-peserta apakah mereka menyesali pilihan mereka. Tidak ditemukan survei langsung mengenai penyesalan partisipasi protes dalam literatur yang telah diterbitkan. Oleh karena itu, tingkat sisi-tindakan kembali kepada angka penyesalan-tindakan jangka panjang secara umum dari Gilovich-Medvec (1994) — sekitar 16% orang menyebut suatu tindakan (tindakan apa pun) sebagai penyesalan terbesar dalam hidup mereka — digunakan di sini sebagai baseline generik, BUKAN pengukuran spesifik protes. Survei peserta Euromaidan hanya dikutip sebagai konteks (survei itu mendokumentasikan pembentukan identitas kewargaan yang kuat, bukan penyesalan) dan bukan sumber angka yang ditampilkan. Angka 53% sisi kelambanan diambil dari survei suara di tempat kerja Resume Now sebagai pengukuran langsung terdekat yang tersedia untuk penyesalan karena diam; analogi tersebut masuk akal secara struktural (penekanan suara oleh biaya sosial) tetapi protes kewargaan dan rapat di tempat kerja berbeda dalam taruhan, reversibilitas, dan signifikansi identitas. Selisih 37 poin kemungkinan benar secara arah tetapi nilai absolut di kedua sisi merupakan konstruksi proksi, bukan pengukuran. Makalah Gilovich-Medvec memberikan dukungan teoretis yang kuat untuk dominasi kelambanan dalam ranah ini tetapi mengukur penyesalan hidup secara umum, bukan partisipasi protes secara spesifik. Bias publikasi memengaruhi literatur keberanian moral: studi lebih mungkin diterbitkan ketika mendokumentasikan hasil positif dari angkat bicara, yang dapat menggelembungkan estimasi manfaat dari tindakan. Konteks sangat penting: biaya protes bervariasi dari ketidaknyamanan sosial ringan di negara demokrasi yang stabil hingga penjara atau kematian di negara otoriter. Entri ini bersandar pada bukti terutama dari konteks demokratis atau yang sedang berdemokratisasi (Euromaidan Ukraina, tempat kerja AS dan Eropa); analisis ini tidak berlaku secara langsung untuk protes di negara-negara tempat represi aktif berlangsung parah. Survei Chatham House 2020 menemukan bahwa satu dari lima orang dewasa perkotaan Belarusia berpartisipasi dalam setidaknya satu protes selama krisis 2020, dengan 83,9% peserta berniat untuk melanjutkan — konteks tempat biaya protes sangat tinggi, namun partisipasi tetap tinggi, konsisten dengan penyesalan-tindakan yang rendah bahkan di bawah represi. Tidak ditemukan survei penyesalan retrospektif pasca-gerakan untuk peserta Belarusia.

Data mentah: /api/decisions.json

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